Crossing State Lines to Get an Abortion Is a New Legal Minefield, With Courts to Decide if There’s a Right to Travel

The Supreme Court has issued decisions as far back as 1867 that suggest Americans have a right to interstate travel. That hasn’t stopped states from passing laws that make it harder to travel for an abortion.

Democratic presidential nominee, U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris, on Sept. 20, 2024, in Atlanta. Harris spoke about abortion and reproductive rights. (Joe Raedle / Getty Images)

This story was originally published by The Conversation.

Editor’s note: At-home abortions via medication abortion are legal, safe and available in all 50 states. The organization Plan C has a comprehensive guide to finding abortion pills on their website, which is continually updated and has all the latest information on where to find abortion pills from anywhere in the U.S. 


Almost half of the states in the country have made it harder to get an abortion since the Supreme Court in 2022 overturned the federal right to get an abortion. Fourteen states ban abortions in almost all circumstances, and another eight in almost all cases after 6 to 18 weeks of pregnancy.

Nonetheless, the number of abortions provided in the U.S. has actually grown since the court’s Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization decision, rising 11 percent since 2020, to over 1 million abortions a year.

This increase can partially be explained by the fact that the number of people who crossed state lines to get abortions more than doubled from 81,000 in 2020 to 171,000 in 2023.

Justice Brett Kavanaugh wrote in the 2022 Dobbs decision that states cannot legally prevent their residents from going to another state to get an abortion, because he believes there is a “constitutional right to interstate travel.”

The U.S. Constitution does not, however, explicitly recognize a “right to interstate travel.” But the Supreme Court has issued decisions as far back as 1867 that can be interpreted to protect this rightand some scholars are confident that such a right exists.

But that hasn’t stopped states such as Idaho and Tennessee from enacting laws that make it harder to travel for an abortion—and some people have even attempted to legally punish their own partners for traveling to end a pregnancy.

As law professors who teach about reproductive justice, we view attempts to restrict abortion travel as one of the frontiers in the anti-abortion rights movement, raising new legal questions for courts to unravel.

States Push to Stop Abortion Travel

Idaho bans abortion at all stages of pregnancy. In April 2023, it also became the first state to impose travel restrictions with what it called an “abortion trafficking” law.

This law prevents people from helping minors who are not their children get abortions—without parental consent—including in another state.

Idaho’s attorney general has interpreted the law to mean that health care providers cannot refer patients to abortion clinics in other states. And based on this interpretation, the new law also means that a grandparent or teacher, for example, could not provide advice to a pregnant teenager.

An abortion access fund and a few others have challenged this law, saying that it violates the First Amendment and infringes on pregnant patients’ constitutional right to travel.

A federal district court temporarily blocked the law from going into effect in November 2023, but the case is currently being appealed at the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals.

An advertisement from the Lincoln Project, an anti-Trump pro-democracy group, presents a dark future for American women if Trump defeats Harris in the presidential election and criminalizes abortion nationwide.

More recently, in July 2024, Tennessee enacted copycat legislationwhich is also being challenged.

Other states—Alabama, Mississippi and Oklahoma—have considered similar abortion trafficking laws but so far have not enacted any.

We view attempts to restrict abortion travel as one of the frontiers in the anti-abortion rights movement, raising new legal questions for courts to unravel.

A Spiraling Effect

Idaho’s and Tennessee’s laws don’t directly prevent interstate travel, because they focus on people helping minors get an abortion. But some abortion rights activists still say these laws could lead to more explicit bans on interstate travel for abortion.

In the meantime, four Texas counties and a handful of Texas cities are imposing what they call “abortion trafficking laws.”

Under these laws, people can sue anyone who travels through their cities or counties to get an abortion in another state. Supporters of these laws describe “abortion trafficking” in broad terms, because as one anti-abortion activist has said, “the unborn child is always taken against their will” by a pregnant person.

This understanding of “abortion trafficking” effectively treats the fetus as a person, in line with other fetal personhood efforts by antiabortion rights groups. They are also carefully crafted to avoid constitutional challenges.

In some cases, it is individual people, not states, who are trying to block people from traveling to get an abortion.

In February 2024, for example, a man named Collin Davis tried to prevent his ex-partner from traveling from Texas to Colorado to get an abortion.

While Davis failed to prevent the abortion, he later filed a lawsuit to investigate his ex-partner and people who assisted her in having the procedure. His goal is to “pursue wrongful-death claims against anyone involved in the killing of his unborn child.”

An Uncertain Future

As the courts consider whether it is legal to ban interstate travel for abortion, it is useful to consider the 1975 Supreme Court case, Bigelow v. Virginia.

This case materialized after a Virginia newspaper published an advertisement for an abortion clinic in New York. The state of Virginia convicted the managing editor for violating a Virginia law that made it a misdemeanor for any person “by publication, lecture, advertisement, or by the sale or circulation of any publication” to encourage getting an abortion.

The Supreme Court struck down the Virginia law as violating the First Amendment, and it also noted that Virginia could not “prevent its residents from traveling to New York to obtain” an abortion or “prosecute them for going there.” This language about the right to travel was not, however, essential to the court’s final decision, so it can’t necessarily be relied upon.

The Bigelow case was also decided just a few years after Roe v. Wade established a constitutional right to abortion. Such a right no longer exists after Dobbs.

This legal situation raises uncertainty about whether and how the Supreme Court would protect the right to travel for abortion.

States Trying to Protect Abortion Rights

There are approximately 22 states that have responded to other states’ abortion bans and other restrictive measures on interstate travel by adopting statutes called “shield” laws. These laws seek to prevent states with abortion bans from investigating their residents’ efforts to get an abortion in the shield state.

Along these same lines, the Biden administration issued a rule in 2024 that protects the privacy of people’s personal health information with respect to abortion when such care is legal.

The Dobbs decision returned the question of abortion to the states. But it has not settled many other legal issues related to abortion, such as whether there is a right to travel to get an abortion.

The Conversation

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About and

Naomi Cahn is the Anthony M. Kennedy professor at the University of Virginia School of Law. She is an expert in family law, feminist jurisprudence, reproductive justice, trusts and estates, and aging and the law. Prior to joining the University of Virginia faculty in 2020, she taught at George Washington Law School, where she twice served as associate dean. Cahn's recently published book, co-authored with June Carbone and Nancy Levit, is FAIR SHAKE: Women and the Fight to Build a Just Economy (Simon & Schuster, 2024).
Sonia M. Suter’s scholarship focuses on issues at the intersection of law, medicine and bioethics, with a particular focus on reproductive rights, emerging reproductive technologies, and ethical and legal issues in genetics. An internationally recognized expert in genetics and the law and assisted reproductive technologies, Suter also participates in national working groups and advisory boards and as a consultant to policymakers. At GW Law, she teaches torts, law and medicine, genetics and the law and assisted reproductive technologies. Before coming to GW Law, Suter held a Greenwall fellowship in bioethics and health policy at Georgetown and Johns Hopkins Universities. She was also a visiting assistant professor at the University of Michigan Law School and an adjunct at Georgetown University Law Center.