The Taliban’s Weaponization of Education

Religious schools—madrassas—are no substitute for modern education.

taliban-women-girls-education-madrassa-religious-schools
Afghan girls learn the Koran at a madrassa or an Islamic school on the outskirts of Kabul on Feb. 13, 2023. Islamic schools have grown across Afghanistan since the Taliban returned to power in August 2021. They focus heavily on promoting religious education. (AFP via Getty Images)

At the recent Doha Forum in December, a critical discourse unfolded regarding the Taliban’s approach to education in Afghanistan, particularly for women and girls. There was a caution that it would not be easy for the Taliban to normalize their regime, even if they reversed their ban on secondary education for girls—one of the group’s most public human rights violations—because international diplomatic recognition was a “complex” process, not a “box-checking” exercise.

Yet some have made the illogical argument that letting girls attend religious schools as an alternative to formal education in schools and universities is enough for the Taliban to gain international acceptance. 

In Afghanistan, the term ‘madrassa’ refers to religious schools. Historically they focus on religious studies, including the Quran and Islamic law. Since the Taliban’s return, madrassas have focused heavily on promoting religious education.

In April 2022, Noorullah Mounir, the head of the Taliban’s Ministry of Education, declared intentions to set up as many as 10 new madrassas in every district across the nation, explaining that “religious sciences should be further taught through Afghan society” and called on school teachers to develop an “Islamic belief” in their students.

Since the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan, 15,000 madrassas have been established and at least 100,000 teachers have been recruited to these religious schools. The number of students enrolled in madrassas nationwide is 339,950, including 95,662 girls, according to figures provided by the Taliban’s deputy minister of education in August 2023. 

Currently, the Taliban is planning a vast network of madrassas across the country’s 34 provinces; some are reporting that they plan special ‘super’ madrassas that will focus on jihad and defending the Taliban’s regime.

This is a “new abnormal” that de-prioritizes traditional subjects. By focusing on an education that closes off the outside world, Afghan students are being excluded from public life.

Since the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan, 15,000 madrassas have been established and at least 100,000 teachers have been recruited to these religious schools.

Rangina Hamidi, Afghanistan’s minister of education before the Taliban, incited controversy at an Istanbul forum in November, when she said that the international community should engage more with the Taliban while adapting to the restrictions on education, in particular by using madrassas as an alternative route to education and learning. She previously noted that she had decided to take her teenage daughter out of Afghanistan in order to continue her education.

U.N. special envoy Roza Otunbayeva has also told the U.N. Security Council that she is receiving “more and more anecdotal evidence that girls can study at the schools, known as madrassas.” The U.N. is now seeking to verify reports that Afghanistan’s Taliban rulers are allowing girls of all ages to study at Islamic religious schools that are traditionally boys only.

Contemplating the viability of a madrassa as a substitute for modern education is not just surprising; it’s deeply concerning. Running modern institutions necessitates a contemporary educational framework which madrassas cannot provide. Managing a hospital, operating a business, becoming a teacher, piloting an airplane or even driving a car with a madrassa education is simply unfeasible. This educational approach falls short of empowering girls and women with the skills essential for active participation in the economy. In essence, it poses a serious threat to progress and prosperity.

In a U.N. survey of women from 22 of Afghanistan’s 34 provinces, Afghan women say that “access to education has remained the top priority since August 2021. Although highlighted as critical to the lives of women and girls, improvements to women’s rights and economic conditions have been seen as secondary.” Ninety-six percent of those surveyed oppose international recognition of the Taliban.

Managing a hospital, operating a business, becoming a teacher, piloting an airplane or even driving a car with a madrassa education is simply unfeasible.

Compromising modern education means compromising the future of Afghanistan and the global community. Any conversation on Afghanistan requires a diverse set of opinions—we must not make the same mistakes we have made in the last two decades.

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About

Shabnam Nasimi is Former Senior Policy Advisor to the UK Minister for Refugees and Minister for Afghan Resettlement.