More Than A Magazine, A Movement
Women everywhere deserve accessible, affordable and comprehensive healthcare. This includes reproductive healthcare like contraception, abortion, sex and relationship education, STI prevention and treatment, cancer screenings and counseling. However, lawmakers have long attempted to restrict or reduce this care in ways that harm women.
It’s time we reimagine menopause as an expansive, intersectional journey through radical divestment and collective empowerment for all marginalized voices.
Ultimately, our goal is to ensure that nobody’s menopause experience is overlooked or left behind, and that requires us to break from the mainstream “landscape” and forge an empowering community of our own.
(This essay is part of a collection presented by Ms. and the Groundswell Fund.)
When I lost my job while on maternity leave, I never expected I’d soon be in a hospital while my infant underwent emergency surgery. As my life became a highwire act, Medicaid became a safety net for my family.
Our Medicaid plan provided 100 percent coverage for what would’ve been thousands of dollars in hospital and surgical bills. It covered my baby’s follow-up appointments with specialists and his prescription formula. It covered all of our basic health needs. It covered my therapy.
Once dismissed as fringe, pronatalism has moved into the mainstream—finding powerful champions in Trump, Vance and Musk, and gaining policy traction within the administration. Rooted in eugenics, antifeminism, and anti-immigrant sentiment, this ideology casts high birthrates as a patriotic duty and low fertility as a national threat.
Now, federal policies are beginning to reflect this dangerous worldview—one that sees women’s bodies as tools of the state and reproductive freedom as collateral damage.
An excerpt from Off the Spectrum: Why the Science of Autism Has Failed Women and Girls by Gina Rippon:
“Maybe we can (gently) deconstruct the elaborate camouflages that have allowed autistic girls to ‘fly beneath the radar,’ to ‘hide in plain sight.’ We must listen to these lost girls so that autism researchers, autism therapists, autism advocates, and the wider general population will have a much clearer idea of what we should be looking for, what we need to explain, so that we can better understand the autistic world.”
A bipartisan bill to clarify exceptions to the state’s near-total abortion ban garnered widespread support Thursday from healthcare professionals and abortion opponents who said the bill would remove any hesitation doctors might have to save a pregnant woman’s life.
Critics, meanwhile, told lawmakers that Senate Bill 31 doesn’t go far enough to protect women facing pregnancy-related medical emergencies and even quietly resurrects 160-year-old laws that could be used to criminalize those who have undergone an abortion or have helped those who receive an out-of-state abortion.
The possible return to a near total abortion ban in Wisconsin—which depends on the outcome of the April 1 state Supreme Court election—would gravely interfere with Dr. Anna Igler’s work as an OB-GYN near Green Bay.
“Terrible things happen in pregnancy,” said Anna Igler, an OB-GYN near Green Bay. “All babies aren’t healthy and all pregnancies are not healthy for the baby or the mother. That’s just biology.”
She knows that firsthand.
Federal judges ordered the reinstatement of workers terminated based on their probationary status—a blow to the Trump administration. But for many fired feds, this welcome news does not mean a return to work. For me and most of my colleagues in HHS’ Administration for Children and Families, for instance, we will continue to receive our pay and benefits, but we won’t be allowed to work. One might think that this is a pretty good deal—but only if you don’t know federal employees.
Some of my colleagues shared with me their stories of uncertainty, loss and an unfinished mission to serve the public.
—My first colleague, a change management specialist, was nervous about rumored changes to the federal workforce, but buoyed by the encouragement of his mentors who said, “This is your dream. The way you light up, this is the thing we want in federal employees. Roll the dice, go for it.”
—Another, a policy analyst specializing in children’s issues, said she was living out her dream job. When she found out she was fired, she was on bedrest for a high-risk pregnancy. In a cruel twist of fate, it was Valentine’s Day … and also the anniversary of her previous stillbirth.
The freeze on U.S. foreign assistance funding and the subsequent stop work order has already taken an irreversible toll on global health programs, including family planning services, causing chaos across public health systems and forcing many sexual and reproductive health providers and programs to close doors permanently. Despite ongoing litigation to challenge these actions in court—including an important court victory that found this attack likely unconstitutional—most USAID partners are still waiting for government payments for work already completed. Adding to the upheaval, the administration gutted USAID staff and cancelled 83 percent of its aid contracts.
Contrary to the Trump administration’s claims, cutting foreign aid for reproductive health is not a fiscal gain, but a significant step backward.
As a community-based researcher, I’ve spent countless hours speaking with women in the Mississippi Delta about their experiences with healthcare, their knowledge of cervical cancer prevention and the barriers they face in accessing care. These conversations have reinforced what we already know: Black women in Mississippi are dying from preventable diseases—not because solutions don’t exist, but because those solutions are not reaching them. The Southern Rural Black Women’s Initiative (SRBWI), in collaboration with Human Rights Watch, recently released a report highlighting these inequities.
But while we work to increase awareness, figures like Robert F. Kennedy Jr. continue to spread dangerous misinformation about the HPV vaccine, undermining efforts to protect our communities.
ProPublica’s investigation reveals that Texas’ abortion ban has led to a sharp rise in life-threatening complications, particularly sepsis, for women experiencing pregnancy loss.
Since the ban’s enactment, the rate of sepsis during second-trimester pregnancy loss has surged by over 50 percent, and maternal deaths in Texas hospitals have increased significantly, even as the national maternal mortality rate declined. Doctors cite the law’s vague emergency exception and the threat of legal consequences as key reasons for dangerous delays in care.
While some Texas lawmakers now acknowledge the need for legal clarifications, the Republican-controlled legislature remains divided, with some pushing for even stricter abortion penalties.